Nigeria, a dateline.

A Nigerian dateline from
1900AD – 2008
January 1, 1901
Nigeria became a British protectorate, part of the British Empire, the foremost world power at the time.
The area was formally united as the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria. Administratively Nigeria remained divided into the northern and southern provinces and Lagos colony. Western education and the development of a modern economy proceeded more rapidly in the south than in the north, with consequences felt in Nigeria's political life ever since. Following World War II, in response to the growth of Nigerian nationalism and demands for independence, successive constitutions legislated by the British Government moved Nigeria toward self-government on a representative and increasingly federal basis. By the middle of the 20th century, the great wave for independence was sweeping across Africa.
Jaja Wachuku, First Nigerian Speaker of the House: 1959 – 1960
Flag of Nigeria
Nigeria uses a vertically striped green-white-green national flag. Its widthto-length ratio is 1 to 2.
From the late 17th century in what is today Nigeria, the British carried on slave trade with native states and eventually acquired protectorates over many of them. These states did not have national flags, and the diversity of ethnic groups and religions meant that there were no common symbols for the area. When the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria was established in 1914, its first governor-general, F.D. Lugard, chose an emblem to appear on various colonial flags. On a red disk he placed a green six-pointed star, which he referred to as the Seal of Solomon. The royal crown and the name “Nigeria” appeared within the star.
Work toward independence led to the establishment of a national planning committee, which in 1958 called for a competition to select a national flag. Almost 3,000 designs were submitted, many of great complexity. The winning design was by Michael Taiwo Akinkunmi, a Nigerian student in London. In his flag of equal green-white-green vertical stripes, green stood for agriculture and white for unity and peace. The original design also included a red quarter sun on the white stripe as a symbol of divine protection and guidance, but this was omitted by the committee. The new national flag became official on Independence Day, October 1, 1960. It is typical that Nigeria, like many other culturally diverse countries, chose a simple flag design. A more complex design might have explicitly honoured some ethnic and religious groups while excluding others.
1959-1960
Nigeria was granted full independence in October 1960 under a constitution that provided for a parliamentary government and a substantial measure of self-government for the country's three regions. From 1959 to 1960, Jaja Wachuku was the First black Speaker of the Nigerian Parliament -also called the House of Representatives. Wachuku replaced Sir Frederick Metcalfe of Great Britain. Notably, as First Speaker of the House, Jaja Wachuku received Nigeria's Instrument of Independence -also known as Freedom Charter - on October 1, 1960, from Princess Alexandra of Kent, the Queen's representative at the Nigerian independence ceremonies.
The federal government was given exclusive powers in defense, foreign relations, and commercial and fiscal policy. The monarch of Nigeria was still head of state but legislative power was vested in a bicameral parliament, executive power in a prime minister and cabinet and judicial authority in a Federal Supreme Court.
Political parties, however, tended to reflect the make up of the three main ethnic groups. The NPC (Nigerian People's Congress) represented conservative, Muslim, largely Hausa interests, and dominated the Northern Region. The NCNC (National Convention of Nigerian Citizens) was Igbo- and Christian-dominated, ruling in the Eastern Region, and the AG (Action Group) was a left-leaning party that controlled the Yoruba west. The first post-independence National Government was formed by a conservative alliance of the NCNC and the NPC, with Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, a Hausa, becoming Nigeria's first Prime Minister
(Abubakar Tafawa Balewa (Prime Minister)) 1960-1963
The Yoruba-dominated AG became the opposition under its charismatic leader Chief Obafemi Awolowo.
First Republic
October 1963 Nigeria proclaimed itself a Federal Republic, and former Governor General Nnamdi Azikiwe became the country's first President. When no party won a majority during the 1959 elections, the NPC combined with the NCNC to form a government, and when independence arrived in 1960, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa was made the Prime Minister, and NnamdiAzikiwe was made the Governor General.
In 1962, part of the Action Group split off to form the Nigerian National
Democratic Party (NNDP), led by S.I. Akintola. In 1963, the Mid-Western Region was formed from part of the Western Region. When Nigeria became a Republic in 1963, Nnamdi Azikiwe was made the President of the Federal Republic.
President: Nnamdi Azikiwe 1963-1966
From the outset Nigeria's ethnic and religious tensions were magnified by the disparities in economic and educational development between the south and the north. The AG was maneuvered out of control of the Western Region by the Federal Government and a new pro-government Yoruba party, the NNDP, took over. Shortly afterward the AG opposition leader, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, was imprisoned on treason charges that were later admitted to be without foundation.
1964
However, in 1964, there was great controversy over the 1963 population census, which the NCNC thought overestimated the number of people in the Northern Region to give them more of a representation in the federal parliament.
1965
The 1965 National Election produced a major realignment of politics and a disputed result that set the country on the path to civil war. The dominant northern NPC went into a conservative alliance with the new Yoruba NNDP, leaving the Igbo NCNC to coalesce with the remnants of the AG (Action Group) in a progressive alliance. In the vote, widespread electoral fraud was alleged and riots erupted in the Yoruba West where heartlands of the AG discovered they had apparently elected pro-government NNDP representatives.
1966
First period of military rule
January 15, 1966 a group of army officers, mostly southeastern Igbos, overthrew the NPC-NNDP government and assassinated the prime minister and the premiers of the northern and western regions.
Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi: January 16, 1966 -July 29, 1966
The federal military government that assumed power under General Aguiyi-Ironsi was unable to quiet ethnic tensions or produce a constitution acceptable to all sections of the country. Its efforts to abolish the federal structure raised tensions and led to another coup by largely northern officers in July 1966, which established the leadership of Major General Yakubu Gowon.
Yakubu Gowon July 29, 1966 -July 25, 1975
The subsequent massacre of thousands of Igbo in the north prompted hundreds of thousands of them to return to the southeast where increasingly strong Igbo secessionist sentiment emerged.
In a move towards greater autonomy to minority ethnic groups the military divided the four regions into 12 states. However the Igbo rejected attempts at constitutional revisions and insisted on full autonomy for the east.
On May 29, 1967 Lt. Col. Emeka Ojukwu, the military governor of the eastern region who emerged as the leader of increasing Igbo secessionist sentiment, declared the independence of the eastern region as the Republic
of Biafra. The ensuing Nigerian Civil War resulted in an estimated one million deaths before ending in the defeat of Biafra in 1970.
1973/74
The naira was introduced in 1973, when the country decimalized its monetary system and substituted the naira for the Nigerian pound (the country used the British pound sterling when it was a British colony), which was divided into shillings. The Central Bank of Nigeria has the sole authority to issue banknotes and coins. Coin denominations ranged from 1/2 kobo to 1 naira. Banknotes are denominated in values from 5 to 1000 naira. Most of the banknotes contain images of previous political leaders important in Nigeria's history; for example, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Nigeria's first prime minister, is pictured on the 5-naira note, and Nnamdi Azikiwe, Nigeria's first president, is on the 500-naira note.
Take off of the Oil-Boom Years
Following the development. increased spectcivil war the country turned to Foreign exchange earnings and the task government acularly with the oil price rises of 1973-74. of economic revenues 1975
On July 29, 1975 Gen. Murtala Mohammed and a group of officers staged a bloodless coup, accusing Gen. Yakubu Gowon of corruption and delaying the promised return to civilian rule. General Mohammed replaced thousands of civil servants and announced a timetable for the resumption of civilian rule by October 1, 1979.
General Murtala Ramat Muhammed was assassinated on February 13, 1976 in an abortive coup and his chief of staff Lt. Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo became head of state.
Second Republic
A constituent assembly was elected in 1977 to draft a new constitution, which was published on September 21, 1978, when the ban on political activity was lifted.
1979
In 1979, five political parties competed in a series of elections in which Alhaji Shehu Shagari of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) was elected president. All five parties won representation in the National Assembly.
1983
In August 1983 Shagari and the NPN were returned to power in a landslide victory, with a majority of seats in the National Assembly and control of 12 state governments. But the elections were marred by violence and allegations of widespread vote rigging and electoral malfeasance led to legal battles over the results.
On December 31, 1983 the military overthrew the Second Republic. Major General Muhammadu Buhari emerged as the leader of the Supreme Military Council (SMC), the country's new ruling body.
1985
The Buhari government was peacefully overthrown by the SMC's third-ranking member General Ibrahim Babangida in August 1985. Babangida cited the misuse of power, violations of human rights by key officers of the SMC, and the government's failure to deal with the country's deepening economic crisis as justifications for the takeover. During his first days in office President Babangida moved to restore freedom of the press and to release political detainees being held without charge. As part of a 15-month economic emergency plan he announced pay cuts for the military, police, civil servants and the private sector. President Babangida demonstrated his intent to encourage public participation in decision making by opening a national debate on proposed economic reform and recovery measures. The public response convinced Babangida of intense opposition to an economic recovery package dependent on an International Monetary Fund (IMF) loan.
The abortive Third Republic
President Babangida promised to return the country to civilian rule by 1990 which was later extended until January 1993.
1989
In early 1989 a constituent assembly completed a constitution and in the spring of 1989 political activity was again permitted. In October 1989 the government established two parties, the National Republican Convention (NRC) and the Social Democratic (SDP) -other parties were not allowed to register.
1990
In April 1990 mid-level officers attempted unsuccessfully to overthrow the government and 69 accused plotters were executed after secret trials before military tribunals. In December 1990 the first stage of partisan elections was held at the local government level. Despite low turnout there was no violence and both parties demonstrated strength in all regions of the country, with the SDP winning control of a majority of local government councils.
1991
In December 1991 state legislative elections were held and Babangida decreed that previously banned politicians could contest in primaries scheduled for August. These were canceled due to fraud and subsequent primaries scheduled for September also were canceled. All announced candidates were disqualified from standing for president once a new election format was selected.
1993
The presidential election was finally held on June 12, 1993 with the inauguration of the new president scheduled to take place August 27, 1993, the eighth anniversary of President Babangida's coming to power.
In the historic June 12, 1993 presidential elections, which most observers deemed to be Nigeria's fairest, early returns indicated that wealthy Yoruba businessman M.K.O. Abiola won a decisive victory. However, on June 23, Babangida, using several pending lawsuits as a pretense, annulled the election, throwing Nigeria into turmoil. More than 100 were killed in riots before Babangida agreed to hand power to an interim government on August
27, 1993. He later attempted to renege on this decision, but without popular and military support, he was forced to hand over to Ernest Shonekan, a prominent nonpartisan businessman. Shonekan was to rule until elections scheduled for February 1994. Although he had led Babangida's Transitional Council since 1993, Shonekan was unable to reverse Nigeria's economic problems or to defuse lingering political tension.
Sani Abacha
Military Dictator of Nigeria from 1993 to 1998
With the country sliding into chaos Defense Minister Sani Abacha assumed power and forced Shonekan's resignation on November 17, 1993. Abacha dissolved all democratic institutions and replaced elected governors with military officers. Although promising restoration of civilian rule he refused to announce a transitional timetable until 1995. Following the annulment of the June 12 election the United States and others imposed sanctions on Nigeria including travel restrictions on government officials and suspension of arms sales and military assistance. Additional sanctions were imposed as a result of Nigeria's failure to gain full certification for its counter-narcotics efforts.
Although Abacha was initially welcomed by many Nigerians disenchantment grew rapidly. Opposition leaders formed the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), which campaigned to reconvene the Senate and other disbanded democratic institutions.
On June 11, 1994 Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola declared himself president and went into hiding until his arrest on June 23. In response petroleum workers called a strike demanding that Abacha release Abiola and
hand over power to him. Other unions joined the strike, bringing economic life around Lagos and the southwest to a standstill. After calling off a threatened strike in July the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) reconsidered a general strike in August after the government imposed conditions on Abiola's release. On August 17, 1994 the government dismissed the leadership of the NLC and the petroleum unions, placed the unions under appointed administrators, and arrested Frank Kokori and other labor leaders.
In 1994 the government set up the Ogoni Civil Disturbances Special Tribunal to try Ogoni activist Ken Saro-Wiwa and others for their alleged roles in the killings of four Ogoni politicians. The tribunal sentenced Saro-Wiwa and eight others to death and they were executed on November 10, 1995.
The government alleged in early 1995 that military officers and civilians were engaged in a coup plot. Security officers rounded up the accused, including former Head of State Obasanjo and his deputy, retired General Shehu Musa Yar'Adua. After a secret tribunal most of the accused were convicted and several death sentences were handed down. On October 1, 1995 Abacha announced the timetable for a 3-year transition to civilian rule. Only five political parties were approved by the regime and voter turnout for local elections in December 1997 was under 10%.
On March 1, 1995 there was another “attempted coup” by Lawan Gwadabe. Also suspected as part of this coup were Olusegun Obasanjo (a previous president) and Shehu Musa Yar'Adua. They were sentenced to 25 years of imprisonment for this. Yar'Adua died while in prison, and Obasanjo was there for the remainder of Abacha's life. Also arrested sometime in 1995 was Dr Beko Ransome-Kuti, a human rights activist who had been repeatedly arrested and released, but this time was charged with treason, and sentenced to life imprisonment, which was later reduced to 15 years, even against High Court rulings, and Amnesty International. He was also in jail for the remainder of Abacha's life.
Also in 1995, was the trouble with the Ogoni people. Ken Saro-Wiwa (an environmentalist and playwright) criticized the Nigerian government for the environmental damages being inflicted on the land inhabited by the Ogoni people, due to the oil industry. Saro-Wiwa and 8 other leaders were arrested
on charges of conspiring to slay political opponents (which many people believe to be false, the real reason being the struggles for the land pollution). On October 31, 1995, all 9 leaders were sentenced to death by hanging. Opposition for this sentence and an appeal for mercy came from all over the world, including the Commonwealth, and Nelson Mandela. However, on November 10, they were hung anyway. This stunned the world, and led to the suspension of Nigeria from the Commonwealth, and Mandela called for international sanctions against Nigerian oil, which account for more than 90 percent of the foreign currency earnings.
1996
On June12, 1994, Abiola (the man who won the June 12, 1993 elections annulled by Babangida), backed by politicians, retired army brass, and pro-democracy activists, proclaimed himself as the president. He was imprisoned on charges of treason, and in 1996, he was placed in solitary confinement.
After the 1994 arrest, one of Abiola's wives, Alhaja Kudirat Abiola launched a campaign for democracy and human rights. She held pro-democracy rallies, defied the military decree banning political associations, presented victims of military repression to international fact-finding missions, inspired many other people, especially women, and won the "Woman of the Year" awards in both 1994 and 1995. However, on June 4, 1996, she was assassinated,
1997
On December 21, 1997 the government arrested General Oladipo Diya, ten officers, and eight civilians on charges of coup plotting. The accused were tried before a military tribunal in which Diya and eight others were sentenced to death. Abacha enforced authority through the federal security system which is accused of numerous human rights abuses, including infringements on freedom of speech, assembly, association, travel, and violence against women.
1998
Elections to return to civilian rule were set for August 1 of 1998, with a return date to civilian rule set for October 1, 1998. However, in April, Abacha became the only nominated candidate for the presidency. Opposition to his rule had been mounting more and more in recent months, because it
was suspected that he did not intend to step down. Demonstrations and riots broke out, and many were killed.
On June 8, 1998 Abacha died of a heart attack at the age of 54. Some people commented that his death fell directly between the June 4 assassination of Kudirat Abiola in 1996 and the annulled elections of June 12 of 1993.
At Abacha’s death, after assuming power in June 1998 the Abubakar government took steps toward restoring worker rights and freedom of association for trade unions, which had deteriorated seriously under Abacha.
Abubakar's transition to civilian rule
Abacha died of heart failure on June 8, 1998 and was replaced by General Abdulsalami Abubakar. The military Provisional Ruling Council (PRC) under Abubakar commuted the sentences of those accused in the alleged coup during the Abacha regime and released almost all known civilian political detainees. Pending the promulgation of the constitution written in 1995, the government observed some provisions of the 1979 and 1989 constitutions. Neither Abacha nor Abubakar lifted the decree suspending the 1979 constitution, and the 1989 constitution was not implemented. The judiciary system continued to be hampered by corruption and lack of resources after Abacha's death. In an attempt to alleviate such problems Abubakar's government implemented a civil service pay raise and other reforms.
On Friday, June 12th, the 5th anniversary of the 1993 annulled elections to which Abiola was declared the winner, there was a rally organized by the Joint Action Committee of Nigeria (JACON) consisting of hundreds of demonstrators, demanding the release of Abiola and the end of military rule in Nigeria. Police used tear gas and fired shots to disperse the demonstrators, and some people were arrested, including Dupe Abiola (one of Abiola's wives) and Gani Fawehinmi (a lawyer and opposition leader), some of Fawehinmi's sisters, and over a dozen other people. On Monday June 15th, the charges were dropped, and those arrested were released.
On June 15, 1998, Abubakar released nine political prisoners:
1. Olusegun Obasanjo (former president) 2. Beko Ransome-Kuti (human rights activist) 3. Mrs. Chris Anyanwu (journalist) 4. Frank Kokori (oil union leader) 5. Milton Dabibi (oil union leader) 6. Bola Ige (politician) 7. Olabiyi Durojaiye (politician) 8. Uwen Udoh 9. Ibrahim Dasuki (former Sultan of Sokoto) On June 18, Abubakar released 6 more political prisoners, which included:
• Arthur Nwankwo (writer and pro-democracy activist) • Ebun Olu Adegboruwa (human rights lawyer) On June 26, Abubakar released 17 more political prisoners, including:
• Olu Falae (former Secretary to the Government of the Federation) • Abubakar Rimi (former Kano State Governor) • Olisa Agbakoba (human rights activist) • Segun Maiyegun (human rights activists) • Frederick Fasheun (former presidential aspirant in the Social Democratic Party) • Sule Lamido (former SDP chieftain) • Ayo Opadokun (chieftain of the opposition group the National Democratic Coalition) Abiola, Diya and some of Diya's staff (whereas other people in Diya's staff have been released but reassigned) were still in prison, but on July 3rd, there were promises that all political prisoners (numbering more than 400), including Abiola would be released.
As the middle of July approached, and the month of mourning for Abacha was over, people thought that they would be able to see what Abubakar's real intentions were, which were then unclear.
Meanwhile, there were many cries for the release of Abiola from prison. Some thought Abiola should be installed as President since he won the last election, and others think that is history and new elections should be held. From information peddled by the government, it seemed that his holding on to the title of president was what kept him from being released with the others that Abubakar released. There were rumors also that he had dropped
his claim to the presidency, which was what was keeping him in jail. However, later on, one of the papers published a letter of his that he had sent to them stating that he had done no such thing, though there was pressure to do so.
Expectations that Abiola would be released were high, and many were looking forward to it, whether or not they wanted him as president. However, on July 7th, at about 4 p.m. (Nigerian time) he died of cardiac arrest after falling ill during a meeting with the U.S. Delegation, at the age of 60 (almost a month after Abacha died).
Initially, there was an outraged nation, and many people suspected that he was poisoned. For the next few days, there were demonstrations around the country, carried out by people of all ages, because southerners believed that the northern military was responsible for his death. Over 55 people died in the riots, and over 400 were arrested.
Though Muslim tradition would require that a body be buried within 24 hours of death, the family agreed to an international autopsy (with doctors from the US and from Britain), with Abiola's doctors participating, to determine the exact cause of death, thus delaying his funeral. There were hopes that the findings would appease the family, supporters, and those who thought he was poisoned for political convenience.
The autopsy was performed on Saturday, July 11th, and he was buried the same day. The preliminary report stated that they believe he died of "natural causes as a result of his long-standing heart disease"; though further testing was to be accomplished over the next three weeks, since tissue samples would be sent to Canada and Britain. As of July 21st, there was no proof of poisoning being the cause of death, though there was an article stating that the doctors determined he was definitely neglected in prison, which was not a situation that was restricted only to him, and many people still blame the government, including Wole Soyinka.
On August 12, 1998, after three weeks of intensive testing on tests that would have been capable of testing over 220 drugs and poisons, the international team of pathologists that examined Abiola's body once again confirmed that he died of natural causes, and that the only drugs found in his body were things like anti-malaria, and anti-inflammatory drugs.
On July 15th, Abubakar ordered the release of all prisoners that had completed their jail terms. The government said that "All of those to be freed had been held without trial or jailed even though they had served out their prison sentences" and that the releases were "part of the total efforts of the administration to decongest our prisons and its determination to defend and protect the freedom and basic rights of individuals.'' There was no indication of whether political detainees would be among them, but at that time, he asked for a list of all prisoners that were being held for political reasons.
On July 20th, Abubakar released 10 more political prisoners including:
• Ben Charles Obi (journalist) • George Mba (journalist) • Kunle Ajibade (journalist) • Shehu Musa (human rights activist) Also, on September 20th, it was reported that a panel of the Nigerian Medical Council was collating information on the health records of Abiola and Yar' Adua (both politicians jailed by Abacha, and both died in prison, and both had the same physician -Ibrahim Yakassai) to determine whether an army colonel (Yakassai) was culpable in their sudden deaths.
With Abiola gone, the world waited to hear Abubakar's plans for the transition to democracy, and on July 20th, they were finally released. The highlight was that A NEW ELECTED PRESIDENT WILL BE SWORN IN ON MAY 29, 1999, and he claimed to be taking the nation on a path of political and economic reform, with the key points in the reports as:
• All five political parties disbanded. Assets taken over by administrators. NECON dissolved • New independent electoral body to be established. Registration of parties, voter, and election, observers from UN, Commonwealth, and OAU to be invited. Everybody allowed to join or create a party. New parties must not take contributions from outside the country. Government will not interfere with parties. • Constitutional conference constitution will be published. • No government of National Unity, as it would be undemocratic, so will not be constituted. New Federal cabinet will reflect national character. • Cannot pretend that June 12th did not happen, but a call to return to the past is not practical or fair. Asks those aggrieved to count it as sacrifice on the path to democracy. • All political detainees to be released • Exiles asked to return. • Granted pardon to Obasanjo, and Yar'Adua. • Will continue with macro economic features of the past administration. Dual exchange rate to stay. • Joint venture oil exploration to be serviced. $630m to be paid immediately to partners. Alternative funding to be determined so that cash calls do not burden the government in the future. • Telecommunications, Oil, Transport and other public ventures to get full competition as soon as possible (40% of Nitel, NAFCON, NEPA, to be privatized). Proceeds to be used to reduce foreign debt and enhance local infrastructure. • PTF to focus on education, road, and health. • Local contractors to be fully paid. • OMPADEC to be reconstituted • Salaries of public service to be paid; Federal retrenchment suspended. • Unions to be fully democratized; no government interference. • All government contracts to be under open contract. • Drug running to be combated with international cooperation • Air links to USA and UK to be restored. • Paris Club, IMF and World bank to be involved in debt reduction and repayment. • 1st Quarter 1999 will be date for presidential election. New president to be sworn in on May 29th 1999. On August 27th, Abubakar released his time-table for the transition. The highlights of this were:
• New voters registration exercise to take place in October • Nation will go to the polls for local government elections on December 5, 1998 • Elections for state governors will be held in January 1999 • National assembly polls scheduled for February 20, 1999 • Presidential polls scheduled for February 27, 1999 • And of course, new president will be sworn in on May 29, 1999 As part of Abubakar's goal to rid the country of corruption in the government, Nigerian security officials investigated the activities of politicians to determine their eligibility before the upcoming elections. The officials will disqualify any politician found guilty of economic crimes against the country.
Also, fraud was confirmed during the Abacha regime, and these have been under investigation. On September 7th, Abubakar announced that his government had started discussions with foreign countries to recover money illegally stashed abroad by Abacha and his aides. His aides had been under investigation, and some of them had fled the country. Abacha's family was not allowed to leave the country at this time. Once evidence is found appropriate decisions would be made.
On September 9th, 25 political parties registered for the elections. The officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) said parties would be registered if the documents they submitted were genuine and if they had a following from different parts of the country. The list of those who have been granted provisional registration will be released on September 24. To qualify for full registration in presidential and parliamentary elections, parties must then score more than 10 percent in two-thirds of Nigeria's 37 states in December 5 local government elections.
In August 1998 Abubakar appointed the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to conduct elections for local government councils, state legislatures and governors, the national assembly, and presidency. The NEC successfully held elections on December 5, 1998, January 9, 1999, February 20, and February 27, 1999, respectively. For local elections nine parties were granted provisional registration with three fulfilling the requirements to contest the following elections. These parties were the People's Democratic Party (PDP), the All People's Party (APP), and the predominantly Yoruba Alliance for Democracy (AD). Former military head of state Olusegun Obasanjo, freed from prison by Abubakar, ran as a civilian candidate and won the presidential election. The PRC promulgated a new constitution based largely on the suspended 1979 constitution, before the May 29, 1999 inauguration of the new civilian president. The constitution includes provisions for a bicameral legislature, the National Assembly consisting of a 360-member House of Representatives and a 109-member Senate.
Fourth Republic
The emergence of democracy in Nigeria on May 1999 ended 16 years of consecutive military rule. Olusegun Obasanjo inherited a country suffering economic stagnation and the deterioration of most democratic institutions. Obasanjo, a former general and former military ruler, was admired for his stand against the Abacha dictatorship, his record of returning the federal government to civilian rule in 1979, and his claim to represent all Nigerians regardless of religion.
The new President took over a country that faced many problems, including a dysfunctional bureaucracy, collapsed infrastructure, and a military that wanted a reward for returning quietly to the barracks. The President moved quickly and retired hundreds of military officers holding political positions, established a blue-ribbon panel to investigate human rights violations, released scores of persons held without charge, and rescinded numerous questionable licenses and contracts left by the previous regimes. The government also moved to recover millions of dollars in funds secreted to overseas accounts.
Most civil society leaders and Nigerians witnessed marked improvements in human rights and freedom of the press under Obasanjo. As Nigeria worked out representational democracy, conflicts persisted between the Executive and Legislative branches over appropriations and other proposed legislation. A sign of federalism has been the growing visibility of state governors and the inherent friction between Abuja and the state capitals over resource allocation.
Communal violence plagued the Obasanjo government. In May 1999 violence erupted in Kaduna State over the succession of an Emir resulting in more than 100 deaths. In November 1999, the army destroyed the town of Odi, Bayelsa State and killed scores of civilians in retaliation for the murder of 12 policemen by a local gang.
2001
In Kaduna in February-May 2000 over 1,000 people died in rioting over the introduction of criminal Shar'ia Law in the State. Hundreds of ethnic Hausa were killed in reprisal attacks in southeastern Nigeria. In September 2001, over 2,000 people were killed in inter-religious rioting in Jos. In October 2001, hundreds were killed and thousands displaced in communal violence
that spread across the states of Benue, Taraba, and Nasarawa. On October 1, 2001 Obasanjo announced the formation of a National Security Commission to address the issue of communal violence.
2003-2007
Obasanjo was reelected in 2003. He faced the daunting task of rebuilding a petroleum-based economy, whose revenues have been squandered through corruption and mismanagement. No lasting solution was found for the unrest in the Niger delta over the environmental destruction caused by oil drilling and the ongoing poverty in the oil-rich region.
Another major problem created by the oil industry is the vandalisation of pipelines by the locals in attempts to siphon petroleum products for personal use or income. The practice has led to major explosions and high death tolls. Particularly notable disasters in this area have been: 1) October 1998, Jesse, 1100 deaths, 2) July 2000, Jesse, 250 deaths, 3) September 2004, near Lagos, 60 deaths, 4) May 2006, Ilado, upto 200 deaths.
Two militants of an unknown faction shot and killed Ustaz Ja'afar Adam, a northern Muslim religious leader and Kano State official, along with one of his disciples in a mosque in Kano during dawn prayers on 13 April 2007. Obasanjo had recently stated on national radio that he would "deal firmly" with election fraud and violence advocated by "highly placed individuals." His comments were interpreted by some analysts as a warning to his Vice President and 2007 presidential candidate Atiku Abubakar.
In the 2007 general election, Umaru Yar'Adua and Goodluck Jonathan, both of the People's Democratic Party, were elected President and Vice President, respectively. The election was marred by electoral fraud, and denounced by other candidates and international observers.
References:
Pre-colonial History of Nigeria -Encyclopedia Britannica 2008
Dateline Nigeria-Tomorrow Can Wait by Adesola Orimolade-The Globalist
History of Nigeria-Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Motherland Nigeria-Brief History, Back to Democracy By Boomie O

Nigeria, in the begining.

... in the beginning ...
The Land and Peoples around The River Niger
1000AD – 1900AD
Early Nigerian cultures
The Nok culture
Evidence of human occupation in Nigeria dates back thousands of years. The oldest skeleton found by archaeologists in the southwestern area of Iwo Eleru, near Akure, has been dated to about 9000 BC. There are isolated collections of ancient tools and artifacts of different periods of the Stone Age, but the oldest recognizable evidence of an organized society belongs to the Nok culture (c. 500 BC –. AD 200).
A series of accidental finds of fine terra-cotta figurines by tin miners on the Jos Plateau has revealed an ancient culture named after the village of Nok, where some of them were found. Initially Neolithic, the Nok culture made the transition to the Iron Age. Its people raised crops and cattle and seem to have paid particular attention to personal adornment, especially of the hair. Distinctive features of Nok art include naturalism; stylized treatment of the mouth and eyes; relative proportions of the human head, body, and feet; distortions of the human facial features; and the treatment of animal forms. The spread of Nok-type figures in a wide area south of the Jos Plateau, covering southern Kaduna state southeastward to Katsina Ala, south of the Benue River, suggests a well-established culture that left traces still identifiable in the lives of the Numan and other peoples of the area today. Many of the distinctive features of Nok art can also be traced in later developments of Nigerian art produced in such places as Igbo Ukwu, Ife, Esie, and Benin City.
Igbo Ukwu
The bronzes found at Igbo Ukwu, which have been dated to about AD 900, reveal not only a high artistic tradition,wd
but also a well-structured society with wide-ranging economic relationships. Of particular interest is the source of the copper and lead used to make the bronzes, which may have been Tadmekka in the Sahara, and of the coloured glass beads, which may have come from Venice. It is believed that the bronzes were part of the furniture in the burial chamber of a high personage,
a priest-king, probably a forerunner of the Eze Nri, the king of Nri, a highly ritualistic monarchy that still survives in northern Igbo territory. Nri may have been influenced by the Igala and seems in turn to have exercised considerable influence in earlier times not only on the Igbo but also on the Igala and other peoples around the Niger-Benue confluence.
Kingdoms and empires of pre-colonial Nigeria
Many indigenous polities emerged in Nigeria before the British took control in the late 19th century. In the north there were several large and developed systems, including the Hausa states of Kano, Katsina, Zazzau, and Gobir; Kanem-Borno; and the Jukun states of Kwararafa, Kona, Pinduga, and Wukari. Smaller kingdoms included those of the Igala, Nupe, and Ebira. Notable in the south were the Yoruba states of Ife and Oyo, the Edo state of Benin, the Itsekiri state of Warri, the Efik state of Calabar, and the Ijo city-states of Nembe, Elem Kalabari, Bonny, and Okrika.
Kanem-Borno
The history of Borno (Bornu) antedates the 9th century, when Arabic writers in North Africa first noted the kingdom of Kanem, east of Lake Chad. The lake was then much larger than the present-day body of water, and its basin attracted populations and encouraged exchange. A pastoral group, ancestors of the Kanuri, established a centralized state over those referred to collectively as the Bulala, or Sao. Initially, trading links extended to Egypt and the Nile valley. There is some evidence that Kanem had made contact with the Christian kingdoms of Nubia before it was overrun by Muslims, who gained a foothold in the ruling family of Kanem in the 11th century. From Kanem the rulers tried to dominate the areas south and west of the lake as well. By the 12th century, they were compelled by attacks from the Sao to move their capital to the region west of Lake Chad, and they gradually lost control of most of the original Kanem.
For a long time, Borno was the dominant power in the central Sudan, including much of Hausaland. The Bayajidda legend, concerning a mythical Middle Eastern ancestor of the Hausa, seems to suggest that the rise of a centralized political system in Hausaland was influenced from Borno. Though the rulers of Borno embraced Islam, the structure of the monarchy remained traditional, with the queen mother and other female officials exercising considerable power. The selection of the monarch, the coronation
rites, and other bases of royal authority were dictated by pre-Islamic beliefs. The princes and other members of the royal family were granted fiefs and posted away from the capital to govern frontier zones, while people of slave origin were preferred for the royal guard and palace officials.
Hausaland
For centuries, the Hausa have occupied the northern plains beyond the Jos Plateau, which are a crossroads open not only to Borno but also to the states of Mali and Songhai in the western Sudan, the trans-Saharan routes to northern Africa, and various trade routes to the forest areas to Borgu, Oyo, and Benin. Perhaps because of this strategic location, the Hausa developed a number of centralized states—such as Daura, Katsina, Kano, Zaria, Gobir, and, later, Kebbi—each with a walled city, a market centre, and a monarchical system of government. Islam, which was introduced from the Mali Empire in the 14th century, strengthened both the monarchical system and the commercial contacts, but it remained predominantly an urban religion until the beginning of the 19th century, although, even within the walled cities, some pre-Islamic rites remained part of the ceremonies that sustained monarchical authority. The region's different states sustained a considerable rivalry among themselves over agricultural land and the control of trade and trade routes, and powerful neighbours such as Borno, Songhai, and, in the 17th and 18th centuries, Jukun periodically conquered Hausaland.
Yorubaland and Benin
Ife, which flourished between the 11th and the 15th century, emerged as a major power in the forested areas west of the Niger and south of Hausaland. Some of the characteristic features of Yoruba culture emerged during that time: a monarchical system based on city-states and nucleated villages; a pantheon of gods, a few of which were recognized widely but with several local variations; and divination centred on the deity Ifa, with its corpus of sacred chants. Ife is best known for its potsherd pavements and for the great artistry of its terra-cottas and bronzes, especially the naturalism of many of its bronze figures. Ife's influence on surrounding states is evident in the fact that all monarchies of Yoruba states claim descent from Ife as a way of establishing legitimacy, sometimes borrowing regalia from Ife to use in coronation rites and sometimes sending remains of deceased rulers to Ife for burial.
Oyo, founded in the 14th century and located in the savanna to the north of the forest, gradually supplanted the older kingdom of Ife. After more than a century of struggle with Borgu and Nupe, it established itself strategically as the emporium for exchanging goods from the north—rock salt, copper, textiles, leather goods, and horses—with products of the forests—kola nuts, indigo, parrots, and cowries. By the 17th century, it had built up a cavalry force with which it dominated people in western Yorubaland and in the dry gap to the coast; to the south, infestations of tsetse flies prevented kingdoms there from effectively utilizing horses.
When the Portuguese arrived in the kingdom of Benin in the 15th century, they found a monarchy, dating back many centuries, with a complex structure of chiefs and palace officials presiding over a kingdom that was expanding in all directions. In time, Benin dominated not only the Edospeaking peoples to the north and south but also the area eastward to the Niger and, along the coast, to Lagos (which the Edo now claim to have founded) and even into present-day Ghana. It also exerted considerable influence on eastern Yorubaland and maintained trading connections with Oyo. Benin art, which began to flourish in the 15th century, was to maintain its vigour until the colonial period.
Igboland and the Delta states
Many Nigerian peoples did not develop centralized monarchical states. Of these, the Igbo were probably the most remarkable because of the size of their territory and the density of population. The Igbo characteristic decentralized society seems to have been a deliberate departure from the earlier traditions of Nri; monarchical institutions in such outlying parts as Asaba, Onitsha, and Aboh probably arose through the influence of the kingdoms of Igala and Benin. Igbo lineages were organized in self-contained villages or federations of village communities, with societies of elders and age-grade associations sharing various governmental functions. The same was true of the Ijaw of the Niger delta and peoples of the Cross River area, where secret societies also played a prominent role in administration. Monarchical structures began to emerge by the 18th century in response to the needs of the overseas trade.
Initially, Portuguese contacts focused on Benin and Warri. By the 17th and 18th centuries, in the heyday of the slave trade, the delta city-states had become the principal outlets of that activity. Various coastal communities
organized themselves as gateways of the slave trade, so that they would not also become its victims. Similarly, the Igbo, like the Benin and Yoruba kingdoms, supplied slaves to the coast, although Benin was effectively out of the trade by the 18th century. The deleterious effect of the slave trade on the society and the economy was felt everywhere, but in terms of loss of population, the ones who suffered most appear to have been the noncentralized peoples of the middle belt. The trade also caused severe economic and political dislocations, intercommunal rivalries, and the forced migrations of millions of people out of Nigeria.
The Sokoto Jihad
At the beginning of the 19th century, Islam was well established at all the major centres of the Hausa states and Borno. The etsu (ruler) of Nupe had accepted Islam, and a few teachers and itinerant preachers were also known in parts of the Oyo Empire. A group of Muslim intellectuals, most of them Fulani led by Usman dan Fodio, were unhappy that in all these places the rulers allowed the practice of Islam to be mixed with aspects of traditional religion and that nowhere was Islamic law (the Shariah) observed in full.
After 20 years of writing, teaching, and preaching in Gobir and surrounding states, Shehu (meaning chief, or senior) Usman (as he was now called) withdrew his followers to Gudu, where they formally proclaimed him amir al-muminin (“commander of the faithful”), pledged their loyalty, and prepared for war. In 1804 he called on his followers and all lovers of true Islam to rise up and overthrow the unjust rulers. He appealed to the masses of slaves and to the pastoral Fulani as oppressed people to join the revolt.
The degree of communication that existed at the time among different peoples in what was to become Nigeria should not be underestimated: the call to jihad made in Gudu in the northwest corner had repercussions throughout the entire country. There was considerable interaction along trade routes and rivers draining the northern plains to the Niger-Benue valley, through the delta, and across the coastal lagoons. The call to jihad was answered not only in the different Hausa states, such as Kano, Katsina, and Zaria, but also in Borno, Bauchi, Gombe, and Adamawa, and eventually in Nupe, Ilorin, and other places where there were pockets of Fulani scholars.
Thus was created the caliphate, with its seat at the newly established town of Sokoto. Each emirate enjoyed autonomy but pledged loyalty to the amir almuminin and made contributions for the upkeep of Sokoto. Disputes within or between emirates were referred to Sokoto for settlement by officials who traveled as often as possible to oversee developments. Usman himself retired in 1811 to concentrate on the intellectual direction of the movement, which followed the teachings of the Qadiri brotherhood and strict adherence to the Maliki code of laws. His brother Abdullahi and his son Muhammad Bello carried on the jihad and laid the basis of administration. When Usman died in 1817, Muhammad Bello succeeded him as amir al-muminin, while Abdullahi, as emir of Gwandu, was given charge of the western emirates, notably Nupe and Ilorin. In this way, all the Hausa states, parts of Borno, Nupe, Ilorin, and Fulani outposts in Bauchi and Adamawa were drawn into a single politico-religious system. The rulers of Borno invited Shehu Muhammad al-Amin al-Kanemi, a distinguished scholar and statesman who disagreed with the Fulani view that jihad was permitted against backsliding Muslims, to lead their forces in the defense of Borno against the forces of the Fulani jihad. In the process Islam was revived in Borno, and the old Seyfawa dynasty was eventually replaced by that of Shehu Muhammad alKanemi.
The collapse of Oyo
Fulani intrusion into Ilorin largely resulted in, rather than caused, the collapse of the Oyo Empire. Deep-seated conflicts arose between the alafin, or ruler, and his chiefs, including both provincial rulers and lineage chiefs and councillors at the capital. In spite of the external threat from the Fulani and others, the conflicts could not be resolved. Fulani ascendancy at Ilorin cut off the supply of horses to Oyo and made the defense of the capital untenable. Large groups of people from Oyo had to migrate southward, where they established a new capital (at present-day Oyo) and other centres such as Ibadan and Ijaye. This pressure, in turn, pushed the Egba farther south where they founded the town of Abeokuta about 1830. The collapse of the Oyo Empire unleashed a major redistribution of the Yoruba people and precipitated a series of Yoruba wars that lasted until 1886.
Pre-colonial states, 1500-1800
Savanna states
During the 16th century the Songhai Empire reached its peak, stretching from the Senegal and Gambia rivers and incorporating part of Hausaland in the east. Concurrently the Saifawa Dynasty of Borno conquered Kanem and extended control west to Hausa cities not under Songhai authority. Largely because of Songhai's influence, there was a blossoming of Islamic learning and culture. Songhai collapsed in 1591 when a Moroccan army conquered Gao and Timbuktu. Morocco was unable to control the empire and the various provinces, including the Hausa states, became independent. The collapse undermined Songhai's hegemony over the Hausa states and abruptly altered the course of regional history.
Borno reached its apogee under mai Idris Aloma (ca. 1569-1600) during whose reign Kanem was reconquered. The destruction of Songhai left Borno uncontested and until the 18th century Borno dominated northern Nigeria. Despite Borno's hegemony the Hausa states continued to wrestle for ascendancy. Gradually Borno's position weakened; its inability to check political rivalries between competing Hausa cities was one example of this decline. Another factor was the military threat of the Tuareg centered at Agades who penetrated the northern districts of Borno. The major cause of Borno's decline was a severe drought that struck the Sahel and savanna in the middle of the 18th century. As a consequence Borno lost many northern territories to the Tuareg whose mobility allowed them to endure the famine more effectively. Borno regained some of its former might in the succeeding decades, but another drought occurred in the 1790s, again weakening the state.
Ecological and political instability provided the background for the jihad of Usman dan Fodio. The military rivalries of the Hausa states strained the regions economic resources at a time when drought and famine undermined farmers and herders. Many Fulani moved into Hausaland and Borno, and their arrival increased tensions because they had no loyalty to the political authorities, who saw them as a source of increased taxation. By the end of the 18th century, some Muslim ulema began articulating the grievances of
the common people. Efforts to eliminate or control these religious leaders only heightened the tensions, setting the stage for jihad.
The Igbo States
The Onitsha Kingdom, which was originally inhabited by Igbos, was founded in the 16th century by migrants from Benin. Later groups like the Igalas and Igbo traders from the hinterland settled in Onitsha in the 18th century. Another Igbo kingdom to be formed was the Arochukwu Kingdom which emerged after the Aro-Ibibio wars from 1630-1720, and went on to form the Aro Confederacy which dominated Midwestern and eastern Nigeria with pockets of influence in Equatorial Guinea and Cameroon.
Igbo gods, like those of the Yoruba, were numerous, but their relationship to one another and human beings was essentially egalitarian, reflecting Igbo society as a whole. A number of oracles and local cults attracted devotees while the central deity, the earth mother and fertility figure Ala, was venerated at shrines throughout Igboland.
The weakness of a popular theory that Igbos was stateless rests on the paucity of historical evidence of pre-colonial Igbo society. There is a huge gap between the archaeological finds of Igbo Ukwu, which reveal a rich material culture in the heart of the Igbo region in the 8th century, and the oral traditions of the 20th century. Benin exercised considerable influence on the western Igbo who adopted many of the political structures familiar to the Yoruba-Benin region. Ofega was the queen.
COLONIAL TIMES
A British sphere of influence
Stamp of Southern Nigeria, 1901
Colonial Flag of Nigeria
Following the Napoleonic wars, the British expanded trade with the Nigerian interior.
In 1885, British claims to a West African sphere of influence received international recognition and in 1886, the Royal Niger Company was chartered under the leadership of Sir George Taubman Goldie.
Four years later, in 1900, the Royal Niger Company's territory came under the control of the British Government, which moved to consolidate its hold over the area of modern Nigeria.
References:
Pre-colonial History of Nigeria -Encyclopedia Britannica 2008 Dateline Nigeria-Tomorrow Can Wait by Adesola Orimolade-The Globalist History of Nigeria-Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Motherland Nigeria-Brief History, Back to Democracy By Boomie O